IRIA News

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U.S. Secretary of War Pete Hegseth proposed a new defense cooperation framework with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), calling for stronger maritime security, improved military coordination, and greater regional readiness to deter conflict.

Speaking at a meeting of Southeast Asian defense officials in Cebu, the Philippines, on October 28, 2026, Hegseth reaffirmed Washington’s commitment to the Indo-Pacific and said the United States would defend its interests and those of its allies and partners.

The proposal comes as regional governments face growing security concerns, including tensions in the South China Sea, disruptions to shipping and energy markets linked to the war involving Iran, and questions about the ability of the United States to sustain its military presence across multiple regions. Hegseth said Washington wanted to turn its defense partnerships into practical cooperation while allowing regional countries to strengthen their own capabilities.

Addressing ASEAN defense ministers in Cebu, Hegseth proposed developing a framework to guide U.S.-ASEAN defense cooperation over the coming years. He said the initiative should focus on areas where the United States and Southeast Asian countries share clear interests, rather than requiring them to agree on every regional or international issue.

Hegseth described Washington’s approach as “strong, quiet and clear,” saying the United States intended to deter coercion and aggression while avoiding unnecessary escalation. He added that Washington wanted its allies, partners and potential adversaries to understand its position and its commitment to regional security.

“The approach we’re taking we describe as strong, quiet and clear,” Hegseth said. He explained that the approach would be strong enough to deter aggression, restrained enough to avoid needless confrontation and clear enough to communicate U.S. commitments.

The proposed framework would prioritize maritime domain awareness, interoperability and cooperation between U.S. and Southeast Asian naval forces. Maritime domain awareness involves monitoring activities at sea and sharing information to help countries identify potential threats, track vessels and respond to security incidents.

Improved interoperability would allow the armed forces of participating countries to communicate, coordinate and operate more effectively during joint exercises and potential emergencies. Hegseth said practical cooperation, including joint training, planning and exercises, was essential to building the capabilities needed to prevent conflict.

“These are not symbolic things; they are concrete demonstrations of what serious partners do,” he said. “Serious partners train together, learn together, plan together and build the confidence and competence necessary to prevent conflict.”

The framework is intended to provide a more structured basis for cooperation during a period of heightened regional uncertainty. However, Hegseth did not provide detailed information on its proposed commitments, implementation arrangements, or whether it would establish new military activities beyond those already conducted under existing agreements.

ASEAN’s Challenge for the US

The proposal comes as the United States seeks to strengthen its regional partnerships while ASEAN members continue to balance their security relationships with Washington and their economic ties with China.

ASEAN has 11 member states, including Timor-Leste, and generally operates through consultation and consensus. Unlike a military alliance, it does not require members to adopt a common defense policy or commit their armed forces to collective military action. Its members also differ in their assessments of regional security threats and in the extent of their cooperation with the United States and China.

Analysts have therefore questioned whether the proposed framework can secure broad support if it is perceived as an effort to counter China. Some Southeast Asian governments are likely to favor practical arrangements that improve their defense capabilities while preserving their freedom to make independent foreign policy decisions.

IRIA experts argue that the proposal could provide a longer-term structure for activities already taking place between the United States and ASEAN, including maritime security cooperation and military exchanges. Its value would depend on whether it offers concrete benefits beyond existing arrangements and accommodates the different priorities of ASEAN members.

The Philippines is likely to be an important participant in any expanded cooperation. Manila is a U.S. treaty ally and has faced repeated confrontations with China in the disputed South China Sea. However, other ASEAN members may be reluctant to support an initiative that could be interpreted as aligning the entire organization against Beijing.

Hegseth said Washington would continue working with Southeast Asian partners on areas of shared interest. The challenge will be to translate that commitment into a framework that strengthens security cooperation without undermining ASEAN unity or limiting the diplomatic flexibility of its members.

Regional Tensions Put Maritime Security in Focus

The discussions in Cebu took place amid continuing tensions in the South China Sea, where China claims most of the waters and several Southeast Asian countries, including the Philippines, Vietnam and Malaysia, maintain competing claims.

The Philippines has strengthened defense cooperation with the United States as confrontations with Chinese vessels have continued. Days before the Cebu meetings, the Philippine military reported monitoring and shadowing China’s Liaoning aircraft carrier group as it passed through waters off the southern Philippines toward the Celebes Sea.

China sent its defense attaché in Manila to represent the country at the expanded defense meeting rather than its defense minister, according to reports from the gathering. The absence of China’s defense minister came as regional governments continued to debate maritime security and military cooperation.

Energy security has also become a concern for Southeast Asian countries. The war involving Iran, which began with U.S. and Israeli strikes on February 28, has disrupted shipping and oil markets, exposing the region’s vulnerability to interruptions in imported fuel supplies.

Productive meeting with counterparts from Australia, Japan, and the Philippines. Deterrence is built on real capability and ready partnerships. We are moving beyond words to practical cooperation along the First Island Chain—bolstering readiness to ensure peace through strength.

— Secretary of War Pete Hegseth (@SecWar) October 28, 2026

Hegseth also pointed to ASEAN-led efforts to maintain a ceasefire between Thailand and Cambodia following their border clashes. He said the United States was prepared to support regional diplomatic initiatives and emphasized that cooperation did not require participating countries to agree on every issue.

The United States is seeking to demonstrate that its Indo-Pacific commitments extend beyond military deployments and formal alliances. By emphasizing maritime monitoring, naval cooperation and practical training, Washington is presenting the proposed framework as a way to improve regional readiness while supporting the ability of Southeast Asian countries to defend their own sovereignty.

Next year will mark the 50th anniversary of U.S.-ASEAN relations. Hegseth said Washington intended to work with Singapore, which will assume the ASEAN chairmanship in 2027, to advance the proposed framework.

Japan and South Korea Pursue Parallel Defense Cooperation

On the sidelines of the Cebu meetings, Japan and the United States agreed to strengthen their bilateral alliance and improve deterrence along the First Island Chain, a strategic area that includes Japan, Taiwan and the Philippines.

U.S. Secretary of War Hegseth and Japanese Defense Minister Shinjirō Koizumi discussed expanding military access and presence in Japan, conducting more realistic training and live-fire exercises, and enabling forces to operate more flexibly across multiple facilities. They also reaffirmed the importance of increased defense investment and agreed to maintain close coordination on critical munitions production.

Hegseth and Koizumi agreed to share technical information to increase production of SM-3 Block IIA missiles and establish a facility in Japan for the final assembly and inspection of AIM-120 AMRAAM air-to-air missiles.

The two ministers also discussed efforts to strengthen Japan’s defense industrial capacity and improve the alliance’s ability to sustain military operations. Koizumi told Hegseth that Japan was advancing work to revise its three strategic documents.

Koizumi separately called for greater unity among ASEAN countries, warning that rapid changes in the regional military balance were increasing the risk of dangerous miscalculations. He also called for updating ASEAN Defense Ministers’ Meeting-Plus cooperation priorities to address emerging challenges involving artificial intelligence, unmanned systems, complex disasters and critical undersea infrastructure.

In separate talks, Koizumi and South Korean Defense Minister Kang Shin-chul discussed regional security, including North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs, and reaffirmed their commitment to continued Japan-South Korea and Japan-U.S.-South Korea defense cooperation.

Koizumi also met Indian Defense Minister Rajnath Singh to discuss maritime security, mine countermeasure capabilities, cooperation between their air forces, and potential collaboration in naval shipbuilding.

These discussions reflect parallel efforts by Washington and its regional partners to improve military readiness and strengthen defense networks across the Indo-Pacific. While the U.S.-Japan alliance has a formal mutual security treaty, the proposed U.S.-ASEAN framework would need to accommodate a more diverse group of countries with different strategic priorities.

The central question for Washington is whether it can turn its proposed framework into a durable mechanism for practical cooperation while respecting ASEAN’s independent approach to regional security. Its progress will depend on member states’ willingness to participate, the concrete benefits the initiative offers, and its ability to complement existing regional arrangements without forcing countries to choose between the United States and China.