IRIA News

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Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said on August 25, 2026, that his government is preparing to formally apply for European Union membership, marking a significant step in Yerevan’s increasingly distant relationship with Moscow.

Pashinyan said the government could begin preparing the application “in the near future.” He also said Armenia has no plans to resume its activities in the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), where Yerevan has frozen its participation since early 2024.

“Armenia first needs to submit an official application for membership in the EU,” Pashinyan told lawmakers during discussions on the government’s 2026-2031 program. “We can start this process in the near future.”

The prime minister said a national referendum on EU membership would follow the formal application. He indicated that Armenia would first submit its bid, wait for a response from Brussels and discuss an accession roadmap before putting the question to voters.

The announcement puts Armenia on a path that could fundamentally reshape its political, economic and security relationships. The country remains a member of the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), depends on Russia for parts of its energy and infrastructure networks, and hosts a Russian military base.

At the same time, Yerevan has steadily expanded its relationship with the EU and other Western partners.

Breaking Away from Russia

The shift has accelerated since Armenia conflicted with Azerbaijan, particularly after the collapse of the Armenian-backed separatist authorities in Nagorno-Karabakh in 2023.

Armenian officials have repeatedly expressed frustration with Russia’s response to the conflicts and have questioned Moscow’s ability to provide the security guarantees that Yerevan historically relied upon.

Pashinyan said Armenia’s relationship with Russia had traditionally been built around the understanding that Moscow was the main guarantor of Armenian security.

“I have never doubted Russia’s commitment to fulfilling this role,” he said. “But the events of 2021, 2022 and 2023 showed that, due to having its own security problems, the Russian Federation can sometimes face significant limitations in fulfilling that role.”

The prime minister said Armenia therefore needed to reassess its foreign and security partnerships. He also argued that the deterioration in Armenia-Russia relations should not be attributed solely to Yerevan’s growing relationship with Brussels.

“In my opinion, the development of our relations with the European Union has actually given rise to this, but is not its underlying cause,” Pashinyan said. “The fundamental reason for the concerns that have emerged in Russia is the transformation that has begun in Armenia-Russia relations.”

Pashinyan described that transformation as a natural consequence of changes in the region. Armenia and Azerbaijan have moved toward a peace process, while relations between Armenia and Turkey have also shown signs of improvement.

The changing regional environment has reduced some of the security pressures that previously kept Armenia closely tied to Moscow.

No Return to CSTO

Pashinyan also made clear that Armenia does not intend to restore its participation in the CSTO. Armenia has effectively frozen its involvement in the alliance since early 2024 after accusing the organization of failing to respond adequately to its security concerns.

“It is clearly stated in our [election manifesto] program that we have no plans to return to the CSTO over the next five years,” Pashinyan said. “I can say with certainty that we will not step up our activities in the CSTO.”

He went further by saying he would welcome a decision by the organization to expel Armenia. “I would be very glad if the organization decided to remove the Republic of Armenia from the Collective Security Treaty Organization,” Pashinyan said, adding that such a decision would remove the question of whether Yerevan should withdraw itself.

Armenia has not formally left the CSTO, however, meaning the country remains in an increasingly unusual position as it deepens cooperation with the EU while retaining links to Russia-led institutions. The CSTO includes Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Armenia.

EU Ties Deepen

Armenia’s European integration efforts have been developing for several years, but the latest announcement represents a more direct political step toward potential membership.

Pashinyan pointed to legislation adopted last year that launched a process aimed at moving Armenia toward EU accession. He also said Yerevan wants to achieve visa-free travel with the EU by 2029.

The European Commission has said Armenia is closer to the EU than ever before, while stressing that membership remains a merit-based process. The EU is already expanding cooperation with Armenia in areas including trade, connectivity and economic development.

Yerevan has also strengthened relations with individual Western countries, including France and the United Kingdom, while developing closer ties with Ukraine.

The Armenian government has presented this broader engagement as an effort to diversify the country’s foreign policy rather than simply replace one alliance with another.

Economic diversification is also becoming an increasingly important part of that strategy. Pashinyan has called on Russia to give up its monopoly concession over Armenia’s railway system, which is currently scheduled to remain in place until 2038.

Yerevan wants to integrate its railway network more closely with international transport routes and has identified potential investment from countries including Kazakhstan and the United Arab Emirates. The move could further reduce Armenia’s dependence on Russian-controlled infrastructure.

Moscow Warns of Consequences

Russia has responded cautiously but firmly to Armenia’s EU ambitions. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said Armenia was free to leave the Russia-led organizations if Yerevan believed membership no longer served its interests. At the same time, he warned that EU membership could create serious problems because the regulatory systems of the EU and the EAEU are incompatible.

“If Yerevan no longer needs to be a part of such an important organization that ensures regional security and serves its national interests, then it is free to make the decision to leave,” Peskov said. He also pointed to Turkey’s long-running EU candidacy as a warning about the difficulties of the accession process.

“I always recommend here that we keep in mind the experience of Turkiye and several other countries, whose applications were submitted decades and decades ago, yet they’re still in the same situation today,” Peskov said.

Turkiye has remained an EU candidate for decades without completing accession negotiations. Moscow’s concerns extend beyond the question of EU membership. Russia has already used economic pressure against Armenia as relations have deteriorated, including restrictions affecting trade.

The Kremlin has also warned that Armenia could face consequences if it continues moving away from Russia.

Russian President Vladimir Putin said in June that the “Ukrainian scenario” had begun with Kyiv’s European ambitions, a reference to the political crisis and subsequent conflict that followed Ukraine’s drive toward closer European integration.

Russia has also threatened to reconsider arrangements providing Armenia with preferential access to Russian energy supplies. The pressure highlights the economic risks facing Yerevan as it attempts to reduce its dependence on Moscow while maintaining stability at home.

New Regional Balance

Armenia’s move comes after a period of significant change in the South Caucasus. The end of the long-running Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict has altered the region’s political balance and created new opportunities for economic connectivity.

Armenia and Azerbaijan have moved toward greater economic cooperation, while Armenia’s relations with Turkey have also become less confrontational.

That environment gives Yerevan greater room to pursue a more diversified foreign policy. Pashinyan has repeatedly argued that the experience of the conflicts of 2021, 2022, and 2023 demonstrated the limitations of relying overwhelmingly on a single external security partner.

The planned EU application therefore represents more than an attempt to deepen economic relations with Brussels. It signals a broader effort to redefine Armenia’s position between Russia, Europe and the wider region.

The process will not be immediate. An application does not guarantee EU membership, and Armenia would still have to meet the bloc’s political, legal and economic requirements before accession could be considered.

The relationship with the EAEU also presents a major complication, given the different rules governing the two economic blocs.

For Russia, the issue is equally significant as Armenia has traditionally been one of Russia’s closest partners in the South Caucasus, and a successful European integration process could reduce Russian political, economic and security influence in the country.

Pashinyan’s latest announcement suggests that Yerevan is nevertheless prepared to accept the risks associated with that shift. The immediate next step will be the preparation of the EU membership application. If it is formally submitted, Armenia would then face a lengthy accession process, followed eventually by the referendum promised by Pashinyan.

The decision marks one of the clearest indications yet that Armenia is seeking to redefine its place in the region, while Moscow prepares for the possibility of losing another important part of its traditional sphere of influence.