IRIA News

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Russia has officially recognized the Taliban-led government in Afghanistan, becoming the first nation to do so since the group’s return to power in August 2021. This move by Moscow is a departure from decades of hostile relations and signals potential momentum for wider international engagement with the Taliban regime.

Russia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs confirmed the decision on July 3, 2025, stating, “We believe that the act of official recognition of the government of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan will give impetus to the development of productive bilateral cooperation between our countries in various fields.”

The ministry emphasized that future cooperation would span across energy, transport, agriculture, and infrastructure, a sign of Moscow’s growing intent to formalize ties not just diplomatically but also economically.

On the Afghan side, the response was swift and celebratory. The Taliban’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs posted on X that Russian Ambassador to Kabul, Dmitry Zhirnov, had personally conveyed the decision to Afghan Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi. In a video posted online, Muttaqi declared, “We value this courageous step taken by Russia, and, God willing, it will serve as an example for others as well.”

While Russia’s move is a diplomatic milestone, it does not necessarily signal an immediate domino effect. Countries like China and Iran may choose to maintain their strategic ambiguity, engaging deeply with the Taliban without formal recognition. Others, such as Turkey, Qatar, and the Gulf states, which have hosted Taliban delegations, are likely to watch Moscow’s next steps closely before recalibrating their positions.

The United Nations continues to refer to the Taliban as “de facto authorities” and has not signaled any intention of recognizing them. Western powers remain hesitant, primarily due to concerns over human rights, particularly the Taliban’s restrictions on women’s rights, education, and political freedoms.

A history of conflict and realignment

Moscow’s recognition is more significant given the troubled history between the two. In 1979, Soviet troops invaded Afghanistan to support a communist government, initiating a brutal decade-long conflict with U.S.-backed Afghan mujahideen fighters. Around 15,000 Soviet troops died in the war, which ended with their withdrawal in 1989.

Following the Taliban’s first rise to power in 1996, the group executed the former Soviet-allied president Mohammad Najibullah, and Russia-backed anti-Taliban factions, particularly the Northern Alliance led by Ahmad Shah Massoud. However, after the 9/11 attacks, Moscow offered intelligence and logistical support to the United States during its invasion of Afghanistan, an early show of cooperation between Russia and the West in the War on Terror.

Since the Taliban’s second ascent to power in 2021, Moscow has steadily softened its stance, driven largely by security concerns and the rise of ISIS-Khorasan (ISIS-K), a regional affiliate of the Islamic State group. ISIS-K claimed responsibility for the deadly March 2024 attack on a Moscow concert hall that killed 149 people. In this context, Russia now views the Taliban as a potential bulwark against ISIS-K in the region.

In July 2024, Russian President Vladimir Putin described the Taliban as “allies in the fight against terrorism.” That same year, Taliban officials were invited to the prestigious St. Petersburg Economic Forum, and in April 2025, Moscow removed the Taliban from its list of terrorist organizations. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov described the group as “the new authorities in Kabul” and urged a “pragmatic, not ideologized policy.”

Practical recognition worldwide

Although no other country has formally recognized the Taliban government, several major powers have significantly increased their diplomatic and economic engagement with Kabul, reflecting a growing de facto acceptance.

China has hosted Taliban officials as early as 2019 for peace talks. Since 2021, Beijing has expanded relations, culminating in a landmark 25-year contract signed in 2023 by a subsidiary of China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) to extract oil from the Amu Darya basin.

While China has not formally recognized the Taliban, it did receive a Taliban envoy, Bilal Karim, in 2024 with official honors, a diplomatic move just short of recognition. This May, Beijing also hosted a trilateral meeting involving foreign ministers from China, Pakistan, and the Taliban.

Iran, which was once an adversary of the Taliban due to ideological and sectarian divides, has also recalibrated its stance. Although tensions linger from the Taliban’s 1998 killing of Iranian diplomats in Mazar-i-Sharif, Tehran now views ISIS-K as the primary threat. In May 2025, Taliban Foreign Minister Muttaqi attended the Tehran Dialogue Forum and met with Iran’s President Massoud Pezeshkian and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi.

Despite historically viewing the Taliban as a proxy of Pakistani intelligence services, India is also modifying its approach. Though India’s Kabul embassy was closed in 1996 during the Taliban’s first rule, it reopened after 2001.

Following the Taliban’s 2021 return, New Delhi temporarily closed its diplomatic missions, but gradually resumed contact. In January 2025, Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri met Muttaqi in Dubai, and in May, Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar held his first publicly acknowledged conversation with him.

A fragile relationship with Pakistan

Ironically, Pakistan, once the Taliban’s chief international patron, now finds itself in a deteriorating relationship with the group. Islamabad accuses the Taliban of harboring the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), a group responsible for numerous deadly attacks inside Pakistan.

In December 2024, the Pakistani military launched cross-border airstrikes into Afghanistan’s Paktia province, reportedly targeting TTP hideouts. Kabul claimed the strikes killed 46 civilians. Concurrently, Pakistan escalated the forced deportation of Afghan refugees, announcing plans to expel as many as three million Afghans.

Despite the tensions, diplomatic communication has continued. Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister Ishaq Dar visited Kabul in April and followed up with another meeting in May. However, ongoing border clashes, such as the Pakistani military’s killing of 30 suspected TTP fighters crossing from Afghanistan, reflect the deepening mistrust.